INTRODUCTION 3
1. Concept and types of migration 4
2. The problem of external migrations 7
2.1. Migrations caused by political reasons 8
2.2. Migration caused by economic reasons 9

11
conclusion 37
list of sources used 38

INTRODUCTION

1. Concept and types of migration

The rapid development of the problem of population migration in the modern world has dictated the need to study this issue. With the advent of a renaissance in the study of population migration in the second half of the 60s and continuing until the mid-70s, a large number of definitions of this phenomenon and attempts at classification are associated. Increased study of the problem of migration has led to the use of many different terms. Migration began to be called a territorial, geographical, spatial phenomenon, sometimes trying to identify semantic differences where there are none. Migration began to be defined as mobility or mobility, it is also movement, relocation, relocation, redistribution, etc.

The problem of population migration in the modern world is largely determined by the fact that it is necessary to constantly monitor all processes occurring during the movement of people, and processes can often change uncontrollably. So, for example, when people move across the border, this fact is recorded, but if within the country, region, district, the fact of movement may remain unaccounted for. Therefore, it is necessary to take into account the types of spatial movement of the population.
Four main types of spatial population movement can be distinguished. These include episodic, pendulum, seasonal and permanent migrations. All four types of migration are specific in nature, and the populations participating in them pursue completely different goals.
Episodic migrations represent business, recreational and other trips that are made not only irregularly in time, but also not necessarily in the same directions. If able-bodied contingents participate in business trips, then the rest of the population also participates in recreational trips. The composition of participants in episodic migration is very diverse. In terms of scale, this type of migration apparently surpasses all others. Unfortunately, it is studied very poorly. The only exception is, perhaps, tourist trips, the volume of which is constantly growing.
Pendulum migrations represent daily or weekly trips of the population from places of residence to places of work (and back) located in different localities. In many countries, a significant part of the urban and rural population participates in pendulum migration. On the most significant scale it occurs in those agglomerations whose centers are large and Largest cities. In a number of countries, the scale of daily commuting migrations is close to the volume of annual irrevocable migrations or even exceeds them. Commuting migrants increase quantitatively and change qualitatively the labor resources of settlements - centers of gravity, where the number of jobs exceeds their own labor resources or does not correspond to the professional and qualification structure of the population. On the other hand, pendulum migration creates conditions for satisfying the diverse labor needs of residents, as a rule, of small settlements, in which the choice of jobs is qualitatively and sometimes quantitatively limited.
Seasonal migrations - this is the movement of mainly the working-age population to places of temporary work and residence for a period, usually several months, while maintaining the possibility of returning to places of permanent residence. Seasonal migration not only raises the real standard of living, although this is very important, but also satisfies the needs of industries experiencing labor shortages. Such migrations arise due to the fact that in the economy of a number of regions the dominant position belongs to industries in which the need for labor is uneven over time. As a result, during busy seasons, these industries experience greater than normal labor demand. Since it cannot be satisfied from local labor resources, additional labor is attracted from other areas.
Industries with a seasonal nature of production include primarily agriculture. In this industry, during the sowing and harvesting seasons, the need for labor is much greater than in the rest, especially winter time. The seasonal industries include the processing of agricultural raw materials. The integration of this industry with agriculture significantly reduces the need for seasonal migration. Industries with a seasonal nature, or stages, of production are also logging (rafting), fishing (coastal fishing) and a number of others.
Irreversible view (or resettlement) can be called migration in the strict sense of the word, corresponding to it in etymological terms. This explains the fact that a number of researchers call irrevocable migration complete, complete, i.e., taking place for good. Irreversible migration simultaneously meets two conditions: firstly, the population moves from one settlement to another, and, secondly, the movement is accompanied by a change of permanent residence. The first condition excludes from migration all kinds of population movements within populated areas, and the second condition excludes return or short-term trips to other populated areas.
Types of migration differ not only in formal characteristics, but also in essence. Thus, irrevocable migration, unlike others, is the most important source of the formation of a permanent population in populated areas. Naturally, there is no insurmountable wall between irrevocable migration and its other types. One type of migration can turn into another or act as its starting point. In particular, episodic, pendulum and seasonal migrations are sometimes the precursors of irrevocable migration, since they create conditions (primarily informational) for choosing a possible permanent place of residence.
Each of these types of migration can be considered in two ways: as interterritorial and intersettlement movement. Moving population from one settlement in another it also means his territorial movement. Moreover, inter-settlement movements can also be intra-territorial. Intra-settlement movements general rule does not count as migration. Both interterritorial and intersettlement movements represent different sections of the same phenomenon - either irrevocable or return migrations.
The classification of interterritorial migrations based on geography depends entirely on the existing administrative structure in the country. In migrations, flows are usually distinguished: intra- and interregional, intra- and inter-republican. Since planning practice also distinguishes large economic regions, including groups of adjacent regions that are economically interconnected, migration is further divided into inter-district and intra-district.
Migration flows can be divided into four directions: within urban areas, i.e. between cities and urban-type settlements; within rural areas, i.e. between rural settlements; between rural and urban settlements, with separate movement from villages to cities (rural-urban migration movement) and from cities to villages (urban-rural movement). The last two directions are usually called rural-urban migration. Let us add that intra-rural migration and migration of the population from villages to cities are different processes in their social content, as are, indeed, other directions.
Migration of both urban and rural residents is characterized by great diversity, due to the size of the population of settlements, differences in their function and genesis. Just as the forward and reverse movement of migrants is interconnected with the geography of regions, the structure of migration flows is interconnected with the specifics of settlements.
Having clarified the essence of territorial movement and determined its main types, we can move on to defining population migration.
Modern definitions of this phenomenon date back to recent decades. V.I. Perevedentsev gives a detailed analysis of the evolution of the concept of “migration”. Migration translated from Latin (migratio) means movement, relocation. When applied to humanity, the term migration is usually used in conjunction with the term population.
Displacement and resettlement are by no means synonymous. Thanks to this, it became possible to use different terms to refer to migration in the narrow and broad sense of the word. In the narrow sense, migration is a complete type of territorial movement, ending with a change of permanent residence, i.e., in the literal sense of the word it means relocation. The term resettlement, widely used in literature of the 19th century. very accurately reflects the essence of such a phenomenon as migration. In other words, this is a case where precision of definition is not sacrificed for brevity. Territorial displacement is a broader interpretation of migration. Many researchers consider migration in a broad sense, along with irrevocable migration (relocation), also seasonal and pendulum movements. We currently take the view that this is a narrow definition. Migration in the broad sense of the word, as already mentioned, covers all four types of movements: irrevocable, seasonal, pendulum and episodic. The latter do not differ from seasonal ones either in their duration or sometimes in their goals: they can be not only recreational, but also labor. The duration of episodic migration of residents of northern regions for recreational purposes is often longer than seasonal labor migration.

2. The problem of external migrations

2. 1. Migrations caused by political reasons

The second half of the 20th century was probably the most politically turbulent period in the entire history of modern civilization, bringing a huge number of domestic and foreign political conflicts and, as a result, giving rise to the largest flows of international political migrants.

A classic example of migration for political reasons is the emigration of almost half a million citizens, mainly representatives of intellectual circles of society (Albert Einstein, Lion Feuchtwanger, Enrico Fermi, etc.) from fascist Germany and Italy before World War II, as well as from Franco’s Spain. In the mid-70s, after General Pinochet came to power in Chile, more than 1 million people left this country. Political emigration on a large scale also took place in pre-revolutionary Russia and the USSR, in Cuba, Vietnam, Cambodia, and many other countries.

As a result of the defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II, almost 10 million Germans were resettled from countries of Eastern Europe in Germany, East Germany and West Berlin. After World War II, the largest migration flows were associated with the establishment of new state borders, the emergence of the world socialist system and the collapse of the colonial system. So, for example, according to the Post-Dam Agreement of the three powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain eastern border Germany passed along the Oder-Neisse line, and the German population, previously living east of this line, as well as in the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe, was overwhelmingly resettled to the territories of the then GDR and West Germany. IN East Asia About 6 million people were resettled to Japan, mainly from China and Korea.
The collapse of the colonial system in the 50s-70s led to the outflow of the white population from former colonies in the metropolis. Most of The British returned from India, Pakistan, and a number of other possessions, the French from Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, the Italians from Libya, Ethiopia, the Portuguese from Angola and Mozambique. The formation of independent India and Pakistan on the territory of former British India with the subsequent transformation of East Pakistan into the state of Bangladesh led to the resettlement of 18 million people in total. It was carried out mainly on a religious principle: Hindus returned to India, and Muslims returned to Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The political events of the late 80s - early 90s in Eastern Europe and the USSR (the collapse of the Soviet Union, the destruction of the Iron Curtain, the unification of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, etc.) gave rise to another strong wave of external migrations . The FRG has become a country of mass immigration, which in 1989 alone received more than 1 million migrants, including 720 thousand ethnic Germans from the GDR, countries of Eastern Europe and the USSR. In 1990, another 600 thousand migrants arrived in the country. Soviet Union On the contrary, it turned into a country of mass emigration: in 1987-1990, about 1 million people went abroad. If in 1980 34 thousand left the country, then in 1990 -316 thousand people (without children).
However, if in the case of the republics of the USSR and European states, migrations were of a relatively civilized nature, then many countries in the second half of the twentieth century faced an acute problem of refugees. As a rule, these are large masses of people who spontaneously leave countries and regions affected by wars and conflicts, bringing significant difficulties to the countries receiving them.
The 20th century is often called the century of refugees. In 1994, their number exceeded 27.4 million people (1980 - 9.6 million). Forced migration has become global, affecting many countries. The bulk of forced migrants (83%) settled in developing countries ah, although many managed to get into developed and economically and politically prosperous countries.

2 . 2. Migration caused by economic reasons

Let us now consider migrations due to economic reasons. Traditionally, such migrations in the literature are called labor migrations. However, due to the fact that in recent decades the concept of “brain drain” has emerged and taken hold, denoting labor migration of highly qualified labor, in this work the terms “brain drain” and “labor migration” are differentiated.

The main role in modern international population movement is played by migrations caused by economic reasons, most often called labor migrations. In search of the desired job and an appropriate standard of living, people move from country to country, and the length of stay in the country of arrival can vary from several hours or days to decades. The scale of labor migration in the world is constantly growing, and almost all countries are involved in this process. International labor migration has taken on an unprecedented character and is becoming a typical phenomenon of the socio-economic life of the modern world.

At the beginning of 1993, there were about 30 million migrant workers. Taking into account members of their families, participants in commuter migration (“frontiers”), seasonal migrants and illegal immigrants, the total number of labor migrants is estimated to be four to five times higher.

Opportunity international migration labor force is created by national differences in wages. The need for migration movements of hired labor from country to country is dictated by the uneven formation of relative overpopulation in the international arena. The labor force is moving from countries rich in labor resources to countries richer in capital. More than half of international migrants come from developing countries, 2/3 of them are in industrialized countries. The influx of new migrants into these countries is associated with qualitative imbalances in their labor markets.

In the second half of the last century, modern centers of attraction for immigrants emerged. Emigration began to flow from less developed to more developed countries. The most powerful center of gravity has emerged in Western Europe; as a result, it has turned from a supplier of emigrants into a center of gravity for labor. Already in the early 50s, there were about 15 million migrant workers and members of their families in EU countries. In the mid-1970s, a major immigration center developed in the Persian Gulf region, and in the early 1990s, foreigners made up 70% of the workforce there. Israel has become a kind of center of attraction for immigrants, nationalistic in nature. Its population increased by 2/3 due to migration flows and largely (by 1/3) due to immigrants from the Soviet Union.

In Latin America, Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela have become centers of labor force attraction, with immigrant populations ranging from 5 to 8 million people. In Africa, South Africa and Cote d'Ivoire have become centers of labor force attraction.

The main suppliers of labor in Asia were and are India, Pakistan, the Philippines, Malaysia, and in the Middle East - Lebanon. Jordan, Turkey, in Africa - Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Ghana, Mali, Chad, Guinea, Mozambique, in North America - Mexico, in Europe - Poland, Portugal, Italy, Ireland.

3. Features of migration in the Republic of Belarus

In general, the migration turnover of the Republic of Belarus with other countries in the 90s. was constantly declining. If in 1992 117.7 thousand people arrived in the republic and 60.5 thousand left it, i.e. the net increase was 57.2 thousand people, then in 1998 33.2 thousand people arrived , and 13.3 thousand people dropped out, i.e. the increase was 19.9 thousand people. External migration consisted of two different flows: the first - with the CIS and Baltic countries and the second - with other countries outside the CIS and the Baltic countries. If Belarus was in the first stream throughout the 90s. always had a positive net increase, then in the second it was constantly negative.

The dynamics of migration flows from neighboring countries is determined by a number of multidirectional factors. The population, which previously moved freely across the territory of the USSR, is restrained not only by economic factors (different currency systems, impoverishment of the population, lack of prospects for purchasing housing, concerns about possible difficulties with employment), but also by administrative factors. People are wary of changing their place of residence due to problems with citizenship, they are afraid of losing the opportunity to communicate with relatives, they are afraid of problems with calculating work experience and receiving a pension, etc. The division of the Armed Forces also played a role.

Migration flows are intensified by such reasons as fear of losing the citizenship of the country in whose territory people are going to live; military conflicts that arose on the territory of a number of former republics USSR, reluctance to live in different states with relatives.

The geography of labor exports and imports in the republic is expanding. During 1998, migrants from 32 countries (in 1995 - from 21 countries) worked in the republic under agreements and contracts, and residents of the Republic of Belarus traveled to 14 countries (in 1995 - 7 countries). Migrant workers mainly arrive in Belarus from the CIS and Baltic countries. In 1998, they made up 97.8% (in 1995 - 74.2%) of the registered foreign labor force, including: those arriving from Ukraine - 81% (2405 people), from Armenia - 8.3% (247 people), Russian Federation - 3% (88 people), Latvia - 3% (87 people).

Emigrant workers from Belarus left mainly for Russian Federation, Czech Republic, Poland, as well as to Moldova, Ukraine. There is no statistical information on the duration of agreements and contracts for those traveling to work outside the republic.

There is also a lack of data on the level of education and other social characteristics of emigrant and immigrant workers, as well as whether they work in accordance with their education and previous profession.

Most emigrant workers from Belarus work under agreements and contracts in the CIS countries. In 1998, 2,004 people left the Republic of Belarus to work on the basis of signed agreements and contracts in the Russian Federation, 456 in Moldova, 373 in Ukraine, 145 in Hungary, 90 in Poland, 67 in Uzbekistan, 40 in the USA, 40 in Greece. 29, Israel - 21 people.

Among emigrant workers, as well as among immigrant workers, those employed in jobs involving the use of predominantly physical labor predominate (93.8% of the total number of those who went to work in other countries under agreements and contracts in 1998 and 91.2% of those traveling in January-June 1999).

Among those who went to work abroad, the majority were employed in construction and agriculture. Among the emigrant workers engaged primarily in mental work, teachers and educators stand out. The fact that among those who went to work abroad, only 1.5% were those who had unemployment benefits, indicates that so far international labor migration has little effect on the state of the Belarusian labor market, as well as the low activity of the unemployed in searching for work abroad. border.

The most active labor migrants are young people. Thus, more than half of all those who went to work in other countries under agreements and contracts (in 1999 - 60.2%) were young people under the age of 24. The contingent of immigrant workers in the republic is significantly dominated by men: in 1998 they made up 76.2% of all foreign workers.

In modern socio-economic conditions, Belarus is a potential exporter of labor. With state regulation of temporary external labor emigration, the country can obtain a certain economic effect, primarily through the development of new technologies and advanced methods of organizing the labor process, advanced training and improved professional training of its specialists, and mastery of foreign languages. The knowledge and skills acquired while working in another country can be used after returning home. Thanks to the transfer of earned money, the influx of foreign exchange earnings into the republic increases. These funds contribute significantly to improving the living standards of expatriate workers' families and, in some cases, can help increase domestic investment.

A positive aspect is also the possibility of easing tensions in the labor market of the republic, although at present the contribution of external labor migration to solving problems associated with the labor market is still limited.

In the 90s The republic was characterized by a rapid decline in the number of people employed in science and scientific services. Changes in the human resources potential of science in the 90s. can be divided into two qualitatively different stages. The first of them was characterized by a landslide reduction in R&D funding and the number of scientists. At this stage, the share of spending on science in the gross domestic product decreased from 2.27% in 1990 to 0.82% in 1992, and the number of workers in the sphere of “science and scientific services” - from 110.3 thousand people in 1990 to 53.3 thousand people in 1994. A significant part of scientific workers in these years went into other fields of activity or went to other countries.

The situation has somewhat stabilized in subsequent years, but the trend of slow decline in the number of scientific workers that has been established since 1993 continues to this day. Every year their number decreases by 3-4 thousand people. Moreover, this happens with virtually no influx of young people. As a result, over the past five years, the number of doctors of science of retirement age has increased from 35 to 40%, and candidates of science over 50 years of age from 35 to 42%. The problem of replenishing science personnel at the expense of young people today is a matter of preserving science in our republic.

The outflow of personnel from the scientific and technical sphere and the decline in the prestige of scientific activity are based primarily on economic reasons:

· low level of funding for scientific research and development, lack of demand for scientific research results in production;

· a sharp drop in the prestige of scientific work due to low wages and low levels of social guarantees. At the end of August 1999, the average salary in the “science and scientific services” industry was 24.1 million rubles, or 91% of the salary level in industry and 112.3% of the average salary in the national economy. The equalizing principle of remuneration for scientific workers is also fundamentally unacceptable (the official salaries of the director of the institute and the junior researcher are in the ratio of 1.5: 1); physically and morally outdated instrumentation and technical base of scientific institutions; insufficient level of information support;

· underdeveloped infrastructure of scientific and innovative entrepreneurship, lack of economic and moral incentives for introducing developments into production both for research teams as a whole and for individual researchers.

But still, the main loss of scientific personnel occurs due to internal migration. The share of annual scientific emigration is about 2.5% of the total outflow of personnel from research institutes and universities. These losses of representatives of the scientific and technological elite cause irreparable damage economic development the country (loss of funds invested in the training of specialists, and the possibility of making a profit from these costs; weakening of the general intellectual potential of the country; unauthorized export abroad of the results of scientific and technical developments and know-how).

According to experts, representatives of the intellectual elite make up about 5% of the total flow of emigrants from higher education. At the current rate of emigration in the republic, this is about 100 people annually. At the same time, losses estimated using UN methods amount to about $30 million. USA.

According to sociological research, for the period 1991-1995. Of the retired research workers, 293 people went abroad for permanent residence, including 26 doctors and 114 candidates of science. The largest number of emigrants were among employees of industry institutes (122 people), university teachers (110 people), and employees of academic research institutes (61 people).

According to the results of a study undertaken in October 1998 by the Administration of the President of the Republic of Belarus, over the past five years, 315 scientific and scientific-pedagogical workers have left the country (including to work on fixed-term contracts). The pace of intellectual migration is thus maintained, although, according to research from the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, the migration potential of our scientific institutions is falling from year to year (“those who wanted to leave, left”). In this regard, we can expect that scientific emigration will become younger. The outflow will be due to young promising researchers and the best university graduates. Western universities and research centers today show special interest in young scientists. This especially applies to physicists, mathematicians, programmers, radio engineers and other specialists in the natural sciences and technology. The future of our science and economy is at risk; There is a danger of our elite universities turning into a free source of personnel for foreign countries and companies (primarily the USA, Israel and Germany).

The most common form of intellectual migration at present is temporary work under contracts and grants, internships. In 1996, more than 6% of scientific workers from the institutes of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus alone worked abroad under contracts. As a rule, these are the most active and promising employees.

There is no doubt that temporary work and training of scientific personnel and students abroad contribute to the entry of our scientists into the global technological space and allow us to prepare highly qualified scientific personnel. However, in practice they often precede brain drain and contribute to the leakage of intellectual property.

The survey results indicate the high popularity of the contract form of work abroad: a sociological study of scientists revealed that 54% of those surveyed would like to work abroad under a contract, and 89% of young scientists. The potential for intellectual migration, as we see, is extremely high. Systematic work is needed to regulate it.

Thus, the emigration of scientific workers and its pace pose a real threat to the economy, the intellectual potential of the country and its future. Until now, the government and public administration bodies have paid insufficient attention to this process. Scientific institutions, universities, ministries and departments do not have complete information about scientists working abroad.

In this regard, a clear state policy aimed at regulating intellectual migration is necessary. There are two main factors for the emigration of scientists and long-term travel to work under contracts: a noticeable difference in the standard of living and in the conditions of professional activity. The economic situation in Belarus will not allow these factors to be significantly influenced in the near future. Direct administrative and legislative suppression of the process of intellectual migration in the current conditions also seems unrealistic and politically inexpedient. It must be countered by a certain system of mechanisms that stimulate work at home and return from abroad. Particular attention should be paid to “risk groups”: young scientists and graduate students undergoing internships or studying in foreign scientific centers, as well as middle-aged contract scientists who are carriers of significant intellectual property.

The solution to the problem of limiting intellectual emigration is also seen in the context of continuing and further development policy for the preservation and development of the scientific potential of the republic. It is important here to establish and maintain a positive trend in support of science and guarantees of social protection for scientists.

It is fundamentally important to create conditions for civilized, taking into account the interest of the state and the personal interest of scientists, commercialization scientific and technical achievements, development of scientific and innovative entrepreneurship. Given the lack of financial resources today, this seems to be one of the real ways a significant improvement in the financing of science and an increase in salaries for effectively working scientists.

The potential of international labor migration. A decline in living standards, economic instability, and worsening employment problems lead to the fact that many specialists, highly qualified workers, scientists, entrepreneurs, young people without a specialty and other categories of the country’s population are looking for opportunity to get a job abroad. The number of such citizens, as confirmed by sociological studies, ranges from 0.6 million to 1.5 million people.

A survey of 819 high school students from different schools in Minsk, conducted in the spring of 2003. The Research Institute of Statistics, together with the Youth Career Guidance Center, showed that 22.3% of them would like to go abroad to study, 31.7% for temporary work, 29.7% would like to move there for permanent residence and only 7.1 % would not like to leave the country at all. It should be noted that this study is being conducted for the third time and the results are approximately the same. Thus, a survey of 900 schoolchildren in 2002 showed the following results, respectively: 27.1%, 33.3%, 25.9% and 7.1%. The proportion of students who want to become international is especially high labor migrants, among schoolchildren completing 11th grade (39.4% in 2003).

In order to develop measures of state regulation of the processes of external labor migration, by order of the Committee on Migration, in 2003, the Research Institute of Labor of the Ministry of Labor of the Republic of Belarus conducted a sociological study, which made it possible to determine the potential of external labor migration, the directions of possible migration flows; identify “push” and “restraining” factors and conditions that determine its quantitative and qualitative parameters. A total of 2,400 people of working age were surveyed. In terms of its socio-demographic characteristics, the sample population of the study is representative for the whole of Belarus.

The study showed that potential migrants are most active in younger age groups: 16-20 years old and 21-25 years old. They cover almost half (41.6%) of the youth surveyed. The share of those wishing to leave among respondents of other age groups decreases as their age increases. So, the share of average age group(36-45 years) is more than one and a half times less than the share of the youth age group (23.4%).

As the study showed, men clearly predominate among potential migrant workers. In general, 30.2% of men and 20.1% of women wanted to find work abroad.

The survey revealed a trend in the dependence of migration activity on the level of education of respondents. The greatest potential migration activity is shown by respondents with higher education - 31.4% of respondents in this category want to find work abroad, which is one and a half times higher than the migration activity of respondents with secondary general education and twice as high as with incomplete secondary education.

The socio-professional status of respondents also influences their migration activity. According to the study, the most active were representatives of the new social stratum - entrepreneurs. More than half (51.1%) of entrepreneurs want to work abroad in the near future. In second place in terms of migration activity among social groups are young people and students: 42.0% of them want to work abroad. The unemployed (or not working at the time of the survey) took third place in terms of migration activity: 33.3% of surveyed representatives of this category want to find work abroad.

In terms of professional composition, those employed in the construction industry are the most active: 32.3% of them want to work abroad. In second place in terms of migration activity are those working in trade (29.0%). They are followed by those working in institutions of the education system (27.1%), healthcare (25.7%), culture (24.7%), and industry (24.6%). The lowest level of labor migration intentions was found among those employed in agriculture - 9.8%.

Migration intentions of the population vary significantly depending on the place of residence. Population from large industrial and cultural centers to a greater extent included in the processes of external labor migration. Thus, the conditions of such a large industrial center as Minsk significantly influence the level of migration activity of all workers in the national economy who are represented here. The percentage of those wishing to work abroad is higher than that of respondents in regional centers and district cities. The lowest level of migration activity was found among the rural population.

At the same time, as the study showed, for certain socio-demographic groups there are significant features of differentiation of migration activity depending on place of residence. Thus, entrepreneurs in Minsk are almost two times inferior in this indicator to their colleagues from regional centers. Students, on the contrary, do not experience sharp fluctuations in the level of migration activity depending on their place of residence: the youth of regional centers are in no way inferior to their metropolitan peers in their focus on working abroad.

The most attractive direction of labor migration for the population of the republic are countries Western Europe: 73% chose this particular direction of their desired labor migration. Germany ranks first among these countries - 51% of respondents named it as a country of desired labor migration. Next come France (9.5%), Sweden (8%), Great Britain (2.3%). Countries in second place in terms of potential migration flow are North America. The USA was chosen by 28.2% of respondents as the country of intended labor migration, Canada - by 18.6%. The countries of Eastern Europe do not receive as much attention from the population as the countries of Western Europe. However, the share of respondents who want to go to work in these countries is still quite significant - 41%. Poland (22.7%) and the Czech Republic (14.8%) stand out from this group of countries. Next come Slovakia (1.2%), Bulgaria (0.8%). Despite the fact that the CIS and Baltic countries, according to state statistics on international labor migration, in 1998 occupied a leading position among recipient countries receiving legal Belarusian migrant workers, the number of people wishing to work in these countries is significantly lower than the number of those who wants to work in Western Europe and America. A total of 36.0% of respondents expressed a desire to work in these countries: in Russia - 26.8%, in Ukraine - 2.9%, in the Baltic countries - 1.4%.

Jobs in Western European countries are most attractive to young people (80%).

As you know, between the desire (intention) to find temporary work abroad and the possibility of its implementation there are many circumstances and conditions of an objective and subjective nature that facilitate or hinder its implementation. Objective conditions include: features of the immigration policy of the country chosen for work; state of the labor market; the demand for a certain profession (seasonal workers, builders, etc.); the state of intergovernmental agreements in the field of labor exchange and protection of the rights of migrant workers. Such agreements have been concluded by the Republic of Belarus with Russia, Moldova, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Poland and Armenia. Work is underway to prepare for the conclusion of similar agreements with Czech Republic and Slovakia. It should be noted that Western states, in an effort to protect their internal labor market, are tightening their immigration policies and visa regime.

Subjective conditions that make it difficult to find employment abroad include: lack of knowledge of a foreign language; reluctance to work outside of one's specialty; absence of companies at the place of residence engaged in the employment of citizens abroad, etc.

Thus, if 25% of respondents want to work abroad, then only 5.6% of them have a real opportunity, and 19.0% have some chances of finding work in Western European countries; 6.4% and 22.5% - in Eastern European countries; 16.1% and 23.3% - in the CIS countries, excluding the countries of Central Asia. Taking these data into account, it is possible to determine with a reasonable degree of probability the scale of migration flows in the western and eastern directions. It is, of course, necessary to keep in mind that the scale of migration flows can fluctuate both upward and downward, depending on the state of the national economy of Belarus, as well as the economies of recipient countries. For example, the Russian economic crisis may reduce the flow of Belarusian migrant workers to this country. Conversely, the conclusion of intergovernmental agreements in the field of exchange labor force with Western European countries would undoubtedly increase the chances of Belarusian citizens finding work in these countries and thereby increase the scale of the migration flow in this direction.

The structure of motives for external labor migration is determined primarily by the difficult financial situation in which the majority of the population of the republic currently finds itself. The main motive for labor migration for the vast majority of respondents is to earn money and thereby improve their financial situation. The separation of this motive from others is so significant that it gives every reason to talk about a sharp drop in the living standards of all segments of the population.

In second place in the structure of motives for labor migration, respondents put the non-material motive - to live in a civilized country (41.1% of respondents). The desire to see another world with your own eyes, to experience yourself in this world is, ultimately, the other side of the coin of the same condition, namely: a reflection of the disastrous professional and financial situation experienced today by active and highly qualified personnel in industrial production and non-production sectors of the economy Belarus.

In third place among the main motives for external labor migration is, again, material interest - to earn capital for one’s business. It was identified as significant by 25.7% of respondents. Among social groups, students, especially students, stand out in this regard. In part, this can be seen as the influence on young people of the realities of the present time, the processes of formation of market ideology and new social orientations. However, in our opinion, the opportunity to earn quite a lot of money abroad (start-up capital to open your own business) is negligible, and is more like an illusion that is typical of young people. This is evidenced by the fact that only 26.7% of respondents-entrepreneurs, who, like no one else, understand what “start-up capital” is for starting a business, noted this motive as significant. A more realistic motive for external labor migration for 46.7% of respondents-entrepreneurs was a motive related to their professional interests: establishing business contacts with foreign partners. This motive in the group of entrepreneurial respondents took second place and pushed the motive “to live in a civilized country” to fourth place, along with the motive “to earn capital for your business.”

Among the main motives for wanting to work abroad, the motive of improving one’s professional level was noted as significant by 24.5% of respondents. The largest share of respondents who indicated this relates to engineers - 35.1%, as well as to employees - 34.4%. However, this motive can be attributed more to the desirable than the actually feasible. It should be noted in this regard that only 16.3% of workers believe that working abroad will give them the opportunity to improve their professional level. The data is presented graphically in Figure 1.

Rice. 1. Motives for wanting to work abroad

As you know, going abroad to work under a contract (or illegally) always entails establishing professional contacts, connections and gaining experience living abroad. The survey showed that the share of respondents with this motive for labor migration is insignificant - 13.4%. It is most fully represented among engineers and employees (19.3% and 18.8%), least of all among young people and students (9.9%) and among workers (8.5%).

As the survey showed, only 18.1% of respondents who had a desire to work abroad specified work only in their specialty as an indispensable condition of the contract. Moreover, this desire is most clearly manifested among employees (25.8%) and workers (22.8%). Among respondents holding engineering and technical positions, this condition of hiring for work abroad is expressed to a much lesser extent. Only 12.5% ​​of them set such a condition. To a certain extent, this is a very unexpected result of the survey. Engineers, as you know, are people with higher education, developed self-esteem and high qualifications. Such a decrease in social and professional aspirations may indicate, firstly, that they have a more realistic idea of ​​the situation on the labor market in Western countries and understand that under such conditions they will never be able to find work in their specialty abroad. Secondly, the financial situation of their families is such that they have to forget about their high social and professional aspirations and agree to any job, as long as it is highly paid. This is probably what is happening: 46.4% of surveyed engineers agree to any highly paid job, and 10.7% generally agree to work under any conditions. It is interesting to note in this regard that the smallest percentage of respondents who set a job in their specialty as an indispensable condition for going abroad was found among entrepreneurs - 6.7%. They also have the highest share (63.3%) of those willing to take any, but highly paid, job. At the same time, only 3.3% of entrepreneurs agreed to any work without any conditions.

It should be noted that for the majority of respondents (62%) legal contract work is desirable. And if such an opportunity was provided, then, undoubtedly, the absolute majority would prefer this form of employment abroad. However, this is not always possible. In this regard, 34% of respondents are ready to illegal work, thereby exposing yourself to significant risk. It is interesting to note that we find the highest percentage of such people among entrepreneurs (37.9%) and engineers (28.6%). If we talk about entrepreneurs, then probably the decisive role here is not played by a difficult financial situation, but by the willingness to take risks, which is always present in entrepreneurial activity, as well as greater awareness regarding transportation, etc.......... ........